The most widely known period of cargo cult activity occurred among the Melanesian islanders in the years during and after World War II. Less dramatic cargo cults have appeared in western New Guinea as well, including the Asmat and Dani areas. The last was documented by Francis Edgar Williams, one of the first anthropologists to conduct fieldwork in Papua New Guinea. Ĭargo cults occurred periodically in many parts of the island of New Guinea, including the Taro Cult in northern Papua New Guinea and the Vailala Madness that arose from 1919 to 1922. ![]() Colonial authorities saw the leader of the movement, Tuka, as a troublemaker, and he was exiled, although their attempts to stop him returning proved fruitless. Minor alterations to priestly practices were undertaken to update them and attempt to recover some kind of ancestral efficacy. The movement began with a promised return to a golden age of ancestral potency. The earliest recorded cargo cult was the Tuka Movement that began in Fiji in 1885 at the height of the colonial era's plantation-style economy. Examples First occurrences ĭiscussions of cargo cults usually begin with a series of movements that occurred in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Believers may stage "drills" and "marches" with sticks for rifles and use military-style insignia and national insignia painted on their bodies to make them look like soldiers, thereby treating the activities of Western military personnel as rituals to be performed for the purpose of attracting the cargo. Notable examples of cargo cult activity include the setting up of mock airstrips, airports, airplanes, offices, and dining rooms, as well as the fetishization and attempted construction of Western goods, such as radios made of coconuts and straw. Symbols associated with Christianity and modern Western society tend to be incorporated into their rituals: for example, the use of cross-shaped grave markers. ![]() Thus, a characteristic feature of cargo cults is the belief that spiritual agents will, at some future time, give much valuable cargo and desirable manufactured products to the cult members. These goods are intended for the local indigenous people, but the foreigners have unfairly gained control of these objects through malice or mistake. Since the modern manufacturing process is unknown to them, members, leaders, and prophets of the cults maintain that the manufactured goods of the non-native culture have been created by spiritual means, such as through their deities and ancestors. ![]() That is, they were dominated by others in terms of their own (not the foreign) value system, and exchange with foreigners left them feeling like rubbish men. Faced, through colonialism, with foreigners with a seemingly unending supply of goods for exchange, indigenous Melanesians experienced "value dominance". ![]() Those who were unable to reciprocate were identified as "rubbish men". The more wealth a man could distribute, the more people who were in his debt, and the greater his renown. The indigenous societies of Melanesia were typically characterized by a " big man" political system in which individuals gained prestige through gift exchanges. Cargo cults are marked by a number of common characteristics, including a "myth-dream" that is a synthesis of indigenous and foreign elements, the expectation of help from the ancestors, charismatic leaders, and lastly, belief in the appearance of an abundance of goods.
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